Posted by
Don A. Rich on Wednesday, March 18, 2009 7:05:14 PM
The DaVinci Model: A Paradigm and Methodology of International Relations Theory as Applied to National Security Grand Strategy for Capitalist Social Democratic Republics
The DaVinci Model:
A Modus Operandi
A Renaissance in
Strategic Thinking
A Methodology enhanced with
Present Technology,
Multi-Dimensional Reality &
Classical Philosophy;
A Better World Order
For the 21st Century!
Principals
of Thought for
Strategic Management for:
Diplomatic and Military Effectiveness
National Security Organizational Competence
and Operational Efficiency
Political, Economic and Social Strategic Success
Illustrations & graphic design by
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Copyright @ 2007 by A. Kendro Jr. & Associates
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The model, methodology and paradigm of International Relations Theory applied to the preparation of National Security Grand Strategy for Capitalist Social Democratic Republics presented in this paper rest on over thirty years of practical experience and twenty years of academic research. The weight of the model is driven by practical applications, but it should be a source of comfort that the framework presented below is a synthesis of thousands of years of thinking driven in the end, like all good ideas, by the questioning of Socrates, the vision of Plato, and the systematization of Aristotle. In its application to the field of International Relations Theory and National Security Grand Strategy[1], the model and its associated apparatus are also derived from and an extension of the ideas of Thucydides, Sun Tzu, Musashi, Smith, Kant, Clausewitz, Marx, Lenin, Pareto, von Mises, Hart, Hayek and Boyd.[2]
This classically grounded pattern of thought, that we assert are the necessary and sufficient elements for the epistemological foundations of the social sciences, embodies a wisdom that has been repeatedly lost and rediscovered.[3] The model, associated framework and applications orientation completely reject the proclivities of contemporary social science academia for false novelty and unacceptable passivity. The approach demonstrated in this paper rejects false novelty via a Classical grounding that recognizes the fundamental truth of Aristotle and Thucydides that absent a massive and systematic selection event, human nature remains relatively constant, with a limited number of patterns of arrangements of orders of the total affairs of human beings; hence the enduring relevance of the Classics.[4] In its applications orientation, the model completely rejects the unacceptable passivity of all too much of the current professoriate via supposed “value free” inquiry; our orientation is best stated by paraphrasing Marx, “Philosophers of the past believed the point of their endeavor was to understand the world; we believe the point is to better manage the world, and especially to avert avoidable catastrophic errors.”[5]
The purpose of the presentation of the model, methodology and paradigm of thought in this paper is to provide an integrated framework for thinking about International Relations theory and apply the model to strategic thought for national security strategists, researchers and institutions operating in Western capitalist social democratic republics. Such institutions, strategists and researchers operate within national, international and global economic, social and political environments (in the model ESP), that the model provides a powerful framework for interpreting. The framework also provides an understanding of the interagency processes of national security institutions, as well as their external interactions with ESP environments, with sufficient depth, breadth and scope to effectively integrate not just political-military elements within the government in the construction of national grand strategy, but also to integrate social and economic factors into political-military strategic thought, plans and actions. The model thus provides a framework for academics to make a contribution to the effective functioning of such institutions, and especially to help prevent catastrophic errors of the low probability-high consequence form.[6]
It should be emphasized at the outset that the model, methodology and paradigm apply to all institutions, not just political ones like national security and other governmental bureaucracies, but also to social institutions like universities, and economic institutions such as privately owned corporations. Thus, the DaVinci model and paradigm are equally useful for strategic thinking and management for institutions of any type. The general usefulness of the model follows not because it imposes a narrow “military/political” style of thought on economic or social institutions inappropriately, but because it provides a powerful framework for thinking about institutions in general. From an academic point of view this general applicability holds because the model constitutes a general theory of the social sciences, which makes it possible to apply the model across economic, social and political institutions.
With respect to this paper, International Relations and National Security are not just about external military power, homeland security and law enforcement. National Security also has an economics and sociology, as well as depends on the balance of the parts of the Body[7], in which the institution as a Human Body is one of the core premises to be developed below. As the DaVinci framework is extremely flexible in application across all institutions and external environments, it is extremely useful for the high level of analysis appropriate for national security grand strategists, those trying to make sub-units of the Western style governments function together efficiently and effectively in interagency processes in the National Security field, as well as academic researchers analyzing international relations past, present and future.
The reason that the paper centers on Leonardo is first, because his work in the Renaissance reawakened the classical spirit after the Dark Ages, and we are calling for a Renaissance in thought. We believe that the radical changes in technology of the last thirty years have created conditions for which a Renaissance in thought is vital for the construction of a better future.
The second reason for the centrality of Leonardo is because the nature of his universal genius points the way towards the generalist outlook necessary for the proper theorizing of International Relations as well embodying the applications oriented approach necessary for National Security Grand Strategy construction in terms of visualizing the environment of any institution as consisting of not just political, but also social and economic factors; this is labeled in the exposition below by the helpful mnemonic ESP. The complexity of modern life has led to overspecialization as the seemingly easy coping mechanism, when what is needed instead is a new paradigm of thought for integrating, at the strategic thought, academic and management/decision maker level, the quantitative and qualitative work of economists, sociologists and political scientists.
The third reason Leonardo is central to this work is because Leonardo’s simple illustration of the human form offers a powerful analytical device and paradigm for understanding the world, namely, the metaphor of any institution as a Human Body. As to the metaphor of any institution as a Human Body, it is only by acquiring an understanding of what it means to be human that we can analyze our own creations, as everything we create is in fact a reflection of our Humanity; hence the metaphor of the model of the institution as a Human Body.[8] To reiterate the reason for the Classical grounding of the work in thought West and East, it is only natural when calling for a new paradigm of strategic thought and orientation to International Relations theory to return to the original questions that marked the beginnings of rational thinking, because the questions asked in the Classical Age by the Greeks, as well as by classical Chinese and Japanese strategists, were foundational in character, and what we need today is a new foundation of thought appropriate for visualizing International Relations and National Security Grand Strategy for the twenty first century.
As to the power of visualization, we introduce our first version of Cubical Triangulation, the core methodological device of the model that enables us to visualize complex interactions. Looking at the diagram, ask yourself how many faces do you see?
Think a minute. If you said three, you were not visualizing the hidden faces. Note, if we visualize the Cube, we can rotate the Cube in our mind and see the three hidden faces, for a total of six.
If we think of each face as having an exterior and interior component, we now have a total of twelve faces to visualize. If we think of the space inside and outside the Cube, we have fourteen aspects of the Cube to consider. Finally, if we consider that the Cube is passing through time, we have fifteen aspects of the Cube to consider. Now if the reader is intimidated by the complexity of this discussion, just remember the technological atmosphere we are breathing, and feel immediately reassured. Although our world properly interpreted is multidimensional, and therefore difficult to state in a purely verbal form, if we visualize it correctly with the assistance of modern computers, that complexity can be reduced to manageable proportions.
The strength of the DaVinci model is that it allows us to visualize the multidimensional nature of our external environment, thereby avoiding the danger of missing variables vital to achieving excellence in thought, while simultaneously preventing our minds from becoming overwhelmed by the complexity of our environment. Not only does the technology of the model allow us to visualize where we are, it allows us to plot a course to where we wish to go, or to make course corrections effectively. We conclude this discussion by emphasizing that if you don’t know where you are, you are lost. If you don’t know where you are going, you probably don’t know where you are in space and time, and are bouncing around randomly. Moreover, if you don’t know where you are going, as Yogi Berra might have said, “you’ll most likely end up somewhere else.” Now consider the following Triangulation Cube.
In this illustration we see six points connected by three lines, representing our position with respect to each individual variable, in this case the external environmental variables. Where those lines intersect characterizes the complete interactions of the variables. If we are academics tasked with understanding the nature of contemporary international relations and/or national security strategists tasked with giving elected officials advice, and have triangulated our position in three dimensions, thereby acquiring the right perspective, if we are unhappy with our understanding of our total position and/or direction, we can then use technology to visualize a path to where we wish to go.[9] Thus, the DaVinci model allows us to understand the motion and interactions of the actors of contemporary international relations, interpret causality from the past, as well as generate Grand Strategy in the present. The position and direction of any nation and institution are visualized as locations and trajectories of Bodies in an economic, social and political or ESP Cube, and in which the core tasks of International Relations theorists and therefore grand strategists are respectively to comprehend and manipulate interactions between economic, social and political ends and means.
Because we are able to take each face of the ESP Cube and create Economic, Social and Political sub-Cubes, the model, paradigm and methodology provide the tools to generate micro-level academic analysis as well as the roadmap of tactics and operations to implement our strategy as international relations practitioners.[10] We can also use our understanding of the evolution of the macroscopic variables to position ourselves properly with respect to changes that would otherwise lead us to places we would not wish to go. The options technology makes available to us, therefore, are quite extensive.
The second portion of the subtitle of the paper referencing a Social Capitalist Democratic Republic, reflects the fact that the nature of the social system, economic order and governmental structure generating National Security Grand Strategy matters in terms of theory and practice: Hitler, Stalin and the Japanese had different strategic options than the United States and Great Britain during WWII.[11]
Although national security strategists on the uniformed services side or the unelected civil servant/think tank/consultant side must of course scrupulously observe the principle of elected civilian official control in Democratic Republics, and academics to properly perform their function must retain a certain detachment analytically, both International Relations academics and grand strategists must have a full vision not only of the threats or behavior of what is being defended or analyzed, but must also have a very clear visualization of what is being defended/analyzed, and how the nature of what is being defended/analyzed interacts with the external environment.
The United States and its Western and East Asian allies such as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, as we shall discuss below, are Democratic Republics based on Capitalism with time-varying and regionally varying degrees of Social conscience with consequently time and regionally varying degrees of politically implemented controls over the intrinsic inequalities and instabilities of capitalism.[12] This institutional framework must remain in the forefront of the work of academics and national security strategists living in and working in the American alliance system so that they correctly integrate the economic, social and political elements of national power to defend or understand such an order/system, as well as so that they understand how the nature of such a system interacts with the external environment.
Moreover, there is a Social element that is highly relevant to academic understanding and strategy generation based on the Social/ideological support for expanding the American and European economic and especially political and social system internationally and now globally that dates to the origins of the American Republic and the French Revolution.[13] This American and Western ideology is a Social variable with significant consequences for the international environment, and is one external reason for the use in the subtitle of the paper of Capitalist Social Democratic Republics.
As to the nature of what is being defended and analyzed in the American and Western case as referenced in the subtitle of the paper, when returning to the past to understand the totality of possibilities for human life in order to go forward to the future, one sees the truth of Adam Smith that capitalism has always existed in some form because of the natural tendency to of all peoples of all times to “… trade, truck or barter…” [14]when it is in one’s interest to do so. In even the most primitive tribal societies, persons possessing deerskins in abundance have traded the results of the hunt for things such as simple jewelry, even if such exchanges often served primarily social and political purposes. Even under the most extreme forms of communism, Lenin and Mao[15] found it necessary to allow for significant private production, with peasants trucking so to speak their surplus vegetables to market; even communist systems in the Cold War found it necessary and advantageous to trade with the capitalist “enemy” to varying extents. It is well known that in the most extreme of non-economic environments, prisons, systems of barter have always emerged.
Since academics and national security planning organizations therefore do not exist in a political vacuum either internally in terms of economic environments or material and ideological (Social) constraints on their resources, or externally in terms of the economic, social and political orders of the entities of whom (academics) and against whom (strategists) they must analyze and or/ plan strategy, because the latter entities have economic and social as well as politico-military features relevant to the American Alliance strategy generation process that is the core of the contemporary world system, understanding the place of capitalism in any society is vital, whether examining ourselves, adversaries or potential adversaries.[16]
Granted the universal character of some level of capitalism, however, given the natural differences of human ability, the impact of inherited wealth and status, and luck, capitalist processes in themselves have always and will always generate a hierarchy of economic well-being because capitalist processes provide outlets, incentives and rewards for natural human competitive tendencies. Because of the social and political tensions generated by the exercise of our natural human competitive tendencies, the variety of forms of capitalism that have evolved, from the ritualistic exchanges of Pacific Islanders, to the souk markets of contemporary Iran, to the formerly state owned industries of Russia and China, to the derivatives markets of the twentieth first century therefore have always had, and required, external political controls driven by social needs.[17] Conversely, we have shown that even the most communistic oriented systems have in the end found it necessary to allow for some private production, so in examining ourselves and others from an IR and national strategy point of view, it is vital to understand the full range of economic possibilities relevant for politico-military planning actions and purposes, as well as integrating the economic and social elements of national power with the politico-military elements of national power.
The latter is particularly important for the United States and its Allies, because absent some mortal existential threat, the material resources made available to national security institutions are constrained both by American economic productivity and by social concerns over the fruits of the world economy in terms of its distribution among individuals, nations and among competing ends within nations. From and academic and practical view, American and Alliance strategies that require excessively expensive commitments will be ruled out in the long run because they must be ruled out lest the United States and its Allies politically bankrupt themselves economically, with the greatest danger being that United States might have to retrench its Alliance commitments in a disorderly fashion because American society will no longer tolerate the economic costs of an unwisely chosen world position.[18] Theories of International Relations that ignore this reality, which is the case for Realism in its most extreme form, are methodologically incorrect by underspecifying the nature of the interactions of economic, social and political variables.
Giving a practical application of this discussion with an demonstrative analysis of the Russo-Georgia affair of 2008 that leads to the visualization of the model, at the IR and/or national security grand strategic planner and/or decision maker level, it is an error to focus, as is too often and easily the case, solely on political, i.e. military concerns, for Russian or any other state or entities actions. The 2008 Russian attack on Georgia and fitful retreat will intensively engage International Relations theorists as well the American and Alliance politico-military apparatus for years to come as the question of the meaning of and what to do about a resurgent Russia becomes one of the central issues of American foreign policy as well as world politics, especially in the context of a more assertive and resource hungry China. The Russian move, however, cannot however be correctly assessed in a politico-military context alone.
In the first instance, Russia’s actions in Georgia were made possible by and driven as much by economics and the social concern of ethnicity as by Great Power Politics.[19]
Looking at the Russian Body to introduce the metaphor of the model, which we remind the reader is the Institution as a Body, the Financial Arm of Russia as the 2000’s decade comes to a close is bulging with power in contrast to the Yeltsin era because of an economic change in the global ESP environment; namely the consequences for Russian economic and therefore military power of the high price of oil. Second, a clear motive of the Russian attack was the intellectually based decision to use military force to achieve an economic aim that feeds back into Russian politico-military power. Even if the Russians fully withdraw from Georgia, the mere threat of a repeated Russian foray into Georgia and elsewhere in the Caucasus /Caspian region means that Russian concerns within Georgia and more generally within the Caspian Sea basin over Russian control of oil and gas pipelines for world exports markets likely will get a dominating hearing. This economic power in turn provides Russia with leverage to exert political sway over Europe, especially the Eastern portions of the NATO alliance.[20] This illustrates a core feature of the model, which is that at the strategic level it is vital to understand the feedbacks from economics into politics and vice versa.
Third, in terms of the Russian Body, the Market chamber of the Russian Marketing Heart has an important Social element that is important to understand in terms of the emotional motivation of recent and not-unlikely future Russian physical military actions. Because of both Tsarist and Soviet imperial/nationality policy, large numbers of ethnically Great Russians live outside the territory of the Russian Federation. Because of similar historical policy roots,[21] large numbers of non-ethnic Russians live within the Russian Federation. Russian national security policy makers will always aggressively defend perceived threats against Russians outside the boundaries of Russian territory due to fear of genocide abroad, and because of fear that Russian weakness abroad invites dissolution of the Russian state at home a la the Chechen conflict.[22] Ethnicity combined with a longstanding Russian ideology/belief (S)[23] that Russia has a special historical mission, means that social forces drive Russian actions abroad independently from economic and political concerns. Thus, analysts of international relations and generators of American and Alliance strategy towards Russia must first analyze the three core factors motivating the Russians not in isolation, or one to the exclusion of the others, but all three in their interaction.[24]
At the international system level, the Russian attack on Georgia can be understood in terms of the cycles of power of individual actors and their interactions with each other within the global ESP environment. In 1991, the United States was at a peculiarly powerful moment economically, politically and socially, while the nascent Russian Body was at the opposite phase of all three cycles. Economically, the United States even coming out of recession had significantly restructured in response to European and Japanese competition of the Seventies and Eighties, while the nascent Russian economy was in collapse. More generally, the global move towards capitalism as represented in Deng’s reforms in China, Thatcher in England and the 1991 IMF restructuring of India meant that the nascent Russian free market economy was emerging into a globalizing order for which communism was poor preparation.
In terms of ideas (S), the End of History argument seemed to bode that Western economic, social and political systems, and quite probably even more specifically the American ESP system, would dominate the planet forever, while Russia searched for meaning after communism in the midst of a collapse of social norms reflected by an unprecedented fall in male life expectancy.
At the system level, politically, the Gulf War seemed to promise an eternal Pax Americana, and which in conjunction fit with the social ideology of a special American global mission. Where most commentators, academics and policy makers erred was in assuming that such a situation would last forever, even taking steps that increased the probability of an aggressive physical Russian response based on the emotion of fear, steps such as attempting to place NATO on Russia’s borders, instead of Finlandization. Although Vladimir Putin, by name, family background, career, and actions is increasingly resembling Stalin, to a certain extent the West contributed to his rise by dancing on Russia’s grave too early and too gleefully. If the long cycles of history had been considered, more circumspect American policy might have mitigated the ultimate Russian reaction.
The purpose of the above discussion of the recent direction of Russia was to demonstrate that International Relations and National Security are not just military in character, but also economic and social in character, and most importantly are ESP interactive in character, and must be viewed with the appropriate depth, breadth and scope in order to analyze or plan strategy accordingly. As a final note highly relevant for going forward with American strategy viz Russia that follows from this example, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, Oswald Spengler and most recently Samuel Huntington among others have argued, we think very persuasively, that culturally, Russia is not an integral part of the West, but a semi-autonomous descendant of Byzantium.[25] To reiterate a point implicit in an above paragraph, those who argued like Fukuyama, and more recently Friedman, that the world system of the twenty first century would be characterized by the absolute primacy of American style global capitalist democracy in the wake of the American “victory” in the Cold War would increasingly seem to resemble Norman Angel in The Great Illusion, who made a similar Liberal International Relations argument in 1910, right before WWI.[26]Huntington goes too far in the other direction, as the real direction is as it always has been, driven by the interaction of economics, sociology, and politics, reflecting respectively the nature of human beings at the micro level, who are intellectual, emotional and physical in character.
Concluding our introduction of the DaVinci model, methodology and paradigm as applied to the field of International Relations, National Security, and Grand Strategy, it is a grave methodological error for academics, and a dangerously narrow pattern of thought and action for policy makers and strategists, to interpret and/or act on the basis of an underspecified vision of the global, international, and national/American order, and instead vital for both the academy and policy makers to understand the interactions of economic, sociological and political phenomenon in order to maximize understanding as well as acquire the knowledge requisite to the achievement of correctly specified American and more generally capitalist social democratic internal and external goals. The Da Vinci model, methodology and paradigm are designed to deal precisely with such complex interactions in order to allow for excellence in understanding, strategy, tactics and operations.
In keeping with the classically grounded wisdom of the model, and in which the model’s explanation of economics shares much with a careful reading of Adam Smith, the question of capitalism for international relations academics and grand strategists is not if, but to what degree of capitalism[27] within the United States and abroad, and with what internal and external political and social controls on the operation of human beings naturally grounded capitalistic tendencies necessary for visualizing the national, international, and global order necessary to achieve superior American and Alliance economic performance, social stability and political order within a context of an international and global order that recognizes limits on the extent to which the external order is malleable to American will.
We emphasize here that this is a capitalist manifesto, neither communistic, socialistic nor libertarian. The DaVinci model is grounded in the fact that all institutions are created by human beings, which function best when in correct relationship to human nature. As it is in human nature to care first about oneself, this is a capitalist tract. At the same time, this work rejects the implied libertarianism of much of mainstream or conventional economics, as well rejecting the emphasis of business school curricula on shareholder interests driven to a significant extent by the quantitative mindset.
Our emphasis is on free and fair enterprise as to the nature of what is being defended by strategists or analyzed by academics, because the model recognizes, like Aristotle and even the supposed paragon of pure free market capitalism Adam Smith[28], that man is a social animal, and that therefore human beings have non-economic concerns as well. Such concerns are of vital importance for proper understanding and strategic management, because it is in the character of both academics and strategic management to necessarily focus on the broadest environmental questions of any institution, and it is in the nature of reality that such concerns in the international relations and national security fields are not just political, but also social and economic. A necessary task for well-functioning national security institutions, academics and strategists embedded in a capitalist order with a social conscience, is to always remember that there is a correct balance between the variety of human motivations embodied in the political controls on capitalism to serve social ends, which is to say what is most desirable is capitalism and businesses with a social conscience.
The Model in Full
We now turn to the full exposition of the model for International Relations theorists and grand strategists. When creating a new foundation of thought, it is in the nature of a Renaissance to return to the past, ask the appropriate questions, visualize the answers, systematize the results, and then make a new contribution. We therefore make no excessive claim to originality, recognizing that we are in many ways synthesizing the work of geniuses past to the present. That may sound like a strange way to open the discussion of a methodology for understanding International Relations and guiding national security organizations, or any other institution, but then the intended audience of this work is far broader than the vast majority of economically, socially or politically oriented treatises. The DaVinci model is applications oriented, in order to help academics as well as national security organizations and strategists, privately owned corporations and political institutions achieve a mode of operation for excellence. The model emphatically applies not only to national security organizations, but also to any other type of economic, social or political institution, and as such constitutes a new paradigm of thought. Because the work considers the entire possible universe of economic, social and political climates, environments and atmospheres and those interactions with any institution, this paper should be useful not only for academics and national security strategists, but also corporate and non-profit strategic managers.
One of the greatest difficulties and dangers of modern life is the inevitable tendency towards specialization, a tendency driven by a misunderstanding of the appropriate response to the growing complexity of our global existence. In a complex world, it is easy to become hyper-specialized, because that is the easy short term response to the stimulus of growing complexity. However, when everyone becomes a specialist, then no one has a vision of the whole, and no one understands how the complex interaction of the parts of the whole generate the totality of what needs to be understood, a need particularly acute for effective performance, especially at the level of strategic management.
When we consider the career of Leonardo DaVinci, we also can see why we should avoid unnecessary specialization. The world would surely be a poorer place if Leonardo had not drawn on knowledge drawn from multiple disciplines. His training in the sciences and mathematics informed his work in the arts, and vice versa. In perhaps his greatest work, The Last Supper, Leonardo applied sophisticated geometrical and mathematical concepts and calculations in order to create the illusion that the space inhabited by the painting is twice as large as in fact is the case. In fact, without applying complex mathematical ideas to his artistry, Leonardo would have been unsuccessful in creating such an apparently massive work in a narrowly confined space at all. Only by fusing multiple disciplines was Leonardo able to add depth to the painting, enabling him to create what artists call perspective. Strategists must see the whole entity, not just single parts, and therefore by definition need to be multi-disciplinary in their thought.
A fundamental goal of our methodology is to provide the reader with an economic, social and political (mnemonic ESP) perspective of the cyclical evolution of the ESP environments in the context of viewing institutions as Human Bodies through cubical triangulation. This methodology enables strategic planners to structure our complex world in a comprehensive and comprehensible fashion. One of the most exciting features of the technological atmosphere that infuses the very air we breathe is that we now have the computer and graphical tools necessary to operationalize the universal genius of Leonardo on a grand scale, in terms of visualizing the position of the Body in an ESP Cube, where the Cube represents the three dimensions of the environment of any institution. More generally, the methodology of our model integrates multiple disciplines using modern visualization technology in order to provide the reader with a modus operandi for excellence in strategy, tactics and operation in the modern world. A core purpose of the model, therefore, is to combat excessive specialization and the failure to use a holistic approach with respect to ESP interactions, which clouds our visions, inhibits our best efforts, and ignores our humanity.
This is again why the DaVinci Model is literally a call for a true Renaissance in thinking and mode of operation, a revolution that brings to life the fullest development of who we are as human beings. Traversing far beyond the realm of contemporary political-military practices, we place the model within a precisely specified framework of economic, social and political external climates, environments and atmospheres. In fact our specification of the external environments, although related to the works of a wide range of social scientists, is one of the works’ contributions to the general theory of the social sciences.
The Metaphor of the Institution as a Human Body
At the core of the model is the premise that national security institutions, and the states with which they are associated, like all human institutions, can be represented as a Human Body within an ESP Cube; hence the repeated use of Leonardo’s illustration of the human form. All institutions need to have a Mind, which is the realm of strategy, which must integrate the information conveyed by the senses about the position of the institution within the ESP Cube. Marketing is the Heart of all institutions, with Organizational and Financial Arms, and Operational Legs to execute an integrated set of activities, with a nervous system (MIS) conveying information to all the parts of the Body.
Without understanding who we are as human beings, we cannot understand how the institutions we create operate either academically or as managers and strategists. At the same time, all institutions operate within economic, social and political environments, hence the term, or mnemonic, ESP to describe the external environment, which the strategic manager must comprehend and visualize as generating a position in an ESP Cube. The DaVinci methodology of cubical triangulation reduces the external environment to these three variables. In the context of our model, the dimensions of the external environment can always be reduced to three. [29] This reduction of environmental variables to three dimensions avoids oversimplification and over complication.
The world is not flat as Thomas Friedman would have it, but, rather, is cubical.[30]
Economics
“The World is flat.”
T. Friedman
|
Two dimensional world
vs.
Three dimensional world
Mr. Friedman and the economics profession as a whole would place emphasis on only one facet of reality, whereas the components of the environment in which any national security organization, or any other institution for that matter, operates have not only economic, but also social, and political dimensions, variables which we have collectively labeled ESP.[31] We represent this interaction as a three dimensional world and an ESP Cube with associated timeline below. By ignoring the existence of social and political factors by focusing excessively on economics, Liberal IR theorists and national security strategists risk missing changes in the political operating environment and social aspirations that in conjunction can generate quite dramatic consequences for the character of world order, optimal national security, as well as non-profit or business practice.
Conversely, the Realist tradition that always ranks highly among the dominant modes of thought in the academic realm of International Relations, as well as within national security organizations, focuses too narrowly on the external Political Variable. Following the extension of the metaphor of the Body, it is true per Musashi that “… We live in a physical world, and the things that affect us physically are more important than those that affect us emotionally or intellectually. It is one thing to browbeat someone into accepting your ideas. It is another to physically take his life.”[32] On a superficial reading this would imply Musashi is a lineal descendant in the Realist tradition of force as the ultima ratio of statecraft, but as mentioned in an earlier footnote, Musashi also counseled generous samurai treatment of the despised merchant class, because “Money must be made to pay the army.”[33] The question for an academic analyst or a national security grand strategist is per Musashi, one of balance, in this case balance of the Body within an ESP Cube that evolves over time as illustrated below.
E
S
P
This use of the acronym ESP of course has no mystical connotation, but serves as a highly useful mnemonic and graphical device that interfaces in a very natural way with our graphical apparatus. We note here that the timeline is constructed to illustrate mega trends in the three variables, and the interactions of these variables, that all businesses, institutions and societies as a whole are wise to understand.
We emphasize that no International Relations analyst or politico- military strategist can afford to ignore the economic environment for the reason that national power in the long run depends to an irreducible extent on wealth, which is why we focus on the Economic variable first; “Money must be made to pay the army,” lest we bankrupt ourselves in the pursuit of empire like Spain, or become a static backwater like Sparta.[34]We capitalize that variable to emphasize the mnemonic value of the ESP framework. What differs in this paper with respect to the Economic variable is a structured, applications oriented view that extends beyond the range of the typical politico-military strategists, economists and business leaders mentality to examine the macro impact of economic regulation (political), as well as effects of tax policy on the distribution of wealth and income (social) that most academically trained economists tend to ignore, or at least view in a narrow perspective, especially in their academic writing. The discipline of economics in the time of Adam Smith actually was known as political economy, the label emphasizing that any economy is embedded in a broader political, and in our case, social framework.[35] Due to the mathematical formalism necessary for a precise analysis of the notion of Smith’s Invisible Hand, the training of modern economists has acquired a very heavy emphasis on advanced mathematics.[36] While this may have proved fruitful in terms of developing the field via the division of labor, much has been lost in the process too. Modern economists tend to have a very limited understanding of the non-economic world; some, in fact, are actively hostile to the consideration of other political and social realms. Most economists inclined to consider politics and sociologists attempt to reduce all of reality to a rational choice based economics.[37] What has resulted is an academic discipline that has trained not just itself, but the broader society in which it is embedded, to conceive of the Economic dimension in an excessively narrow manner, and to fail to integrate the findings of economics with other social science disciplines, thereby resulting in a radically incomplete understanding of reality.
Additionally, by excessively ignoring the Political variable, the parallel of the economist’s argument in the field of International Relations usually referred to as Liberalism has both underspecified the environment and underestimated the impact of the role of Force and Justice, in this case respectively Political and Social concerns.
Conversely, perhaps also intimidated by the mathematical formalisms of modern economics, all too many in the Realist tradition uncritically make of the use of force as the ultimate deciding factor in International Relations. Historically, this too often has led academicians and especially the national security organizations and strategists they implicitly or explicitly train astray, leading all to fail to comprehensively specify reality and then in the realm of action fail to maximize the elements of national power, by improperly specifying to what extent is the underpinning of national power based on economics, and sociology, as well as creating an international and global order that is unnecessarily dangerous by failing to understand the interaction between national organizations and associated ESP arrangements across borders.
The DaVinci model as a call for a renaissance is a paradigm of thought and mode of operation designed to avoid errors in understanding the past, and is designed to generate strategies for the future that avoid the consequences of under estimating the complexity of reality that could still prove catastrophic in a world of nuclear armed states.
To reiterate, the external environment of national security institutions is best understood in terms of the interactions of economic, social and political variables, and in which the Body of the institution is operating within a given technological atmosphere and its associated psychology within the ESP Cube, and where there are parameters on the American ESP Cube position that it is the task of national security strategists to understand in order to defend, and which it is the job of academicians to understand.[38] In turn, the political, economic and social environments are always evolving and our position in the cube is determined by this interaction, illustrated through Cubical Triangulation.
The ESP Triangular Cross
Economic Wealth, Social Benefits & Political Dynamics
Capitalism
De-Regulation vs.
Regulation
|
5%Few
Concentration vs.
Expansion
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35% Some
Social 60% Most Republic
Authoritarian vs.
Libertarian
|
Free Enterprise vs. Fair Enterprise
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Political Economic Democracy
80% Many
Phi .61 The Golden Section
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Copyright 1998 A. Kendro Jr & Associates
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100% All
Communism
The vertical dimension of economics reflects the fact that capital by its nature tends to concentrate, and so reflects the distribution of income and wealth.[39] Illustrated is a single vertical hierarchical line in the triangular Cross, representing the Economic part of ESP. The two horizontal lines of the Cross reflect the Political and Social components of ESP. The Political line reflects government policies on the regulation of the economy, and the degree of free enterprise allowed. The Social line reflects the social concerns about the distribution of income and wealth and the exercise of authority over individuals. The triangular intersection of the vertical and horizontal dimensions gives us the balance between the wealth generating dynamism of capitalism and the preservative effects of social and political concerns embedded in the regulation of that dynamism. If we have an upward movement politically, the rewards of society rain down on the few. If we have enough upward movement, social tensions increase, either pulling the cross back down, or resulting in a structural break the leads to fascism.
If we have enough of a downward movement, we have socialism or possibly communism.[40] Neither system is desirable or sustainable in the long-run. Communism we know failed. Capitalism in the past has always been subject to severe crises when left too much to its own devices, as it has too often risked a fall into fascism and war. There was a reason Western societies eventually moved away from the lassie faire capitalism of the early 1900’s, and the reason was that the capitalist system left purely alone will tend to destroy itself, i.e. The Great Depression of the 1930’s and WII. From an academic point of view, the actions of states are dependent therefore in all cases on the position and motion of any particular Body in the Cube. Furthermore, the very existence of fascism and communism was a recipe for system war via the mutual challenges to respectively the security and legitimacy of capitalist social democratic republics that either order constituted, which therefore also constituted a causal factor in generating conflict and war.
The argument is that we do not wish for a cross exactly in the middle of the Cube, which could be viewed as socialism. Some resources are scarce, and human beings are to a certain extent irrationally competitive. We live in an imperfect world. We must err on the side of some form degree of concentration of income and wealth, but not to the extent that the advocates of total free enterprise would have one believe. Rather, all things must be taken in proportion, in moderation, which is why the cross is ideally positioned above the midline, but not too much. This is why the computer graphics use the number phi (.61), The Golden Section, which preserves proportions in a unique sense, to illustrate the balance between free enterprise and fair enterprise. The best achievable is a free enterprise system that has a significant degree of social fairness.
Cycles
We now explicitly introduce the notion of time, and how the three ESP variables evolve and interact over time. The longer we look back in time, the more we acquire a macroscopic perspective, and the more we are able to predict mega trends of the variables in the future, and therefore act in a more effective manner.[41] The timeline below becomes an apparatus for plotting trends in core environmental variables from approximately the time of Leonardo well into the next century in order to provide the reader with the maximum historical context, and the maximum vision of the future.
At the heart of our macroscopic view of the environments of ESP is the notion that at any point in time, all societies can be characterized by both the hierarchical relationship and interaction of the three variables. As to the former point, at any point in time, there is a hierarchy among the variables. Looking at the global timeline, we see that in the feudal age, religion, or the Social variable, was dominant. The same relationship characterizes Iran today. In the feudal age, the Church provided legitimacy for feudal relationships of decentralized political power, the age of lords and knights, which in turn were reflected in decentralized economic relationships of localized production. We label such a society in terms of the graph SPE. What this means is that the Social variable drove the political variable which drove the economic variable in terms of causality and primacy.[42]
The Global ESP Timeline
Feudalism Colonialism Capitalism v Socialism v Communism Globalization
E S P E S E P E S P S P P E E
S P S P E P S P E E E E S P S
P E E S P S E S P S P S E S P
Authoritarian Imperial Republic v Fascist vs. Democratic New World Order
1000 1200 1492 1600 1776 1860 1914 1930 1945 1963 1972 1988 19922001
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Although in a paper it is obviously impossible to discuss the entire timeline, as an application of the model to the current environment, the social system in which we live, especially the United States, which is what national security strategists are tasked with defending, we call EPS because the economic variable of global capitalism is dominant, in turn driving politics, which in turn drives sociological phenomenon. Our prediction is that we are at the cusp of a change similar in scope to the Renaissance, in which the new order that emerges will be characterized by more of a balance between ESP in the United States. All academics, strategists for governments, businesses and social institutions need to be aware of this macroscopic evolution in order to adapt to this coming revolution .
For a simple economic application of this mode of thought, consider an oil company engaged in long-term planning. If the company looks merely at the Economic face of the Cube, it will be neglecting major business risks driven by the other faces of the Cube. If it were the case that the phenomenon of Global Warming were accelerating, at some point the Social face of the Cube would become highly relevant for business planning purposes, as demands for environmental protection presumably would increase rapidly. Similarly, the oil industry is highly dependent on resources provided by politically unstable countries. Any oil company that does not take the Political and Social faces of the Cube seriously is making a grave error, because it will not have triangulated its current position correctly, and will be unable to plot an appropriate course of direction.
Without visualizing the Social and Economic faces of the Cube, an oil company could find itself facing risks to the very survival of the firm. More generally, the oil industry as a whole is at more risk than is generally understood. Although oil companies pay lip service to notions of diversification into other forms of energy, in the end, the main strategy of the industry is to stay the course. The current course of the oil industry, however, is unsustainable for environmental and political reasons, because the industry as a whole has failed to understand the appropriate direction it should follow given easily understandable changes in their operating environment.
Having examined the body, the environment, and the technological atmosphere we breathe and the methodology of cubical triangulation, we now examine the psychology of human beings, with the purpose, as always, to show the full picture of the model. As to the psychological atmosphere, which we define as the state of our emotions in both an individual and collective sense, it is only through acquiring an understanding of both the nature of our emotions, and how our emotions are influenced by our interactions with both the technological atmosphere and the external environmental variables, that we can come to understand fully who we are, who we can become, and the world that we can create. Turning to the emotional part of the model, our psychology has not fully adapted to the world we are creating. At an unconscious level, we evolved to have notions of scarcity hardwired into our brain. Thus, we tend to think of life as a race for scarce resources, and create institutions that act accordingly, in turn encouraging their employees to act accordingly, thereby reinforcing the psychology of scarcity. Modern information technology, however, has very high non-material component. The resources made available on the Internet are in a very real sense limitless, yet we have not adjusted our thinking and institutions accordingly.
Consider the following Illustration, which has three faces which represent the intellectual, emotional and physical parts of our psychological state which we call IEP.[43]
Intellectual
Biological Responses
Moral Attitudes Emotional
Physical
Ethical Values
Reducing our psychology to three dimensions requires a brief explanation, which is consistent with the psychological and more importantly biological literature. As human beings, it is obvious that part of our mental state is an interior dialogue characterized by varying levels of intellectual sophistication. Thus, we have the face of our psychology represented by I. This is the primate brain, land of executive function and language. At an intellectual level, we make some choices consciously, and when we make those choices our ethical values are engaged, again, at differing levels of sophistication and awareness. This is why opposite the face of I is labeled as ethics.
Human beings are more than thinking machines, contra rational choice theory however, and so our internal mental state is also characterized simultaneously by an emotional state, whether we are happy, sad, angry etc…. Our emotional state is driven by our attitudes, which is why opposite the face labeled E, for emotions, we have labeled the face A for moral attitudes. This is a reflection biologically of the mammalian complex. Within the context of our model of human psychology, our spiritual character is primarily emotional in character. This is not to denigrate religion. Although human beings have developed elaborate intellectual rationalizations of their religious beliefs, the I, in the end, religion is a question of belief, which is an emotional state, hence the placement of religion within the emotional character of our psychology. This again in no way is intended as an attack on religion, because human beings are not just thinking machines, but have emotional and physical needs as well. The fact that all known civilizations have had religions is a testimony to the need of human beings emotional need for spirituality, or meaning. What it means from an international relations point of view is that theories that dismiss ideology and religion as an understructure are grossly inaccurate, whether they are of the Realist, rational choice or Marxist variety.
We note here that there is an important distinction between morals and ethics that is vital to our model. Intellectually, we should apply ethical criteria to our decisions, as to whether our actions are right and wrong. At the same time, we have moral reactions to our decisions based on our attitudes towards good and evil, which are usually, though not always, derived from religious socialization. Thus, when we make decisions, we have an intellectual reaction to the ethical character of our decisions, but we also have a simultaneous emotional reaction to our decisions as well the former reaction based on our attitudes. Finally, our mental state also has a physical side as well, characterized by levels of mental energy, and biological responses to our environment. Opposite the physical face of the Cube are characteristics that generate our response. We now tie together the psychological part of our model with a political application.
Because of an increasing emphasis on short-term news, driven by the demands of the Economic face of the ESP Cube, many modern national security organizations come to have a dysfunctional social psychology. Driven by brute fear of not making the instantaneous results the media is demanding, national security organizations often become infused with a psychology that is neurotic, sociopath or even psychotic. Consider the evolution of the war in Iraq. Before the war in 2002, General Shinseki recommended a force of 300,000 men years to accomplish mission of remaking the Iraqi state. Whatever the initial motive of dismissing General Shinseki’s analysis, eventually the defense of U.S. troop levels over the interval 2003-2006 and its interaction with the anti-war position/movement came to have an increasingly dysfunctional psychology that almost destroyed the achievement of U.S. objectives in Iraq. In effect, the national security establishment hunkered down and pretended that all was well until fairly late in the game, while the antiwar movement acted oblivious with respect to the potentially catastrophic consequences of failure. The effectiveness of the Surge was unsurprising, because up until that point in time, there were not enough troops in Iraq. What is stunning and revelatory of the current dysfunction in the generation of U.S. national security policy is no one talks about the issue in this way. “Maybe it was a bad idea to invade Iraq, but it is a little late for that now, and as the United States has been deeply engaged in the Iraqi economy, society and polity since the formation of the Iraqi Petroleum Company, maybe we should drop the debate about who was right and wrong initially, and focus on what makes sense in the long run before we create a catastrophe.” The atmosphere of the media in this environment was not helpful because it encouraged pit bull confrontations a la Anne Coulter versus Michael Moore rather than reasonable analysis, which is to say too much emotion and not enough intellect. An analogously dysfunctional psychology that is a serious problem in the current American ESP order can be seen in the corporate scandals a la Enron and WorldCom, driven again by Economic encouragement of a short-term mentality; could any sane person at either corporation have really believed that inventing numbers to please Wall Street’s quarterly focus could continue indefinitely? Returning to the realm of International Relations National Security, what this implies is a more systematic way of allowing for civilian strategists to call out naked emperors before it is too late. In Iraq, to paraphrase Gelb and Betts, the system ultimately may have worked, but the margin for error was unnecessarily pushed at arguably great expense economically and quite possibly in terms of American and Iraqi lives.[44]
Now consider the next Illustration, where we have taken the ESP Cube and examined the Economic face more closely, in the process creating the Capital-Labor-Resource Cube (CLR). The emphasis is on Capital, because Capitalism is driven by the Capital face of the CLR Cube, not on labor or resources. If the emphasis is on labor, we are dealing with socialism, while if the focus is on collective ownership and use of resources, we are dealing with communism. In an economic democracy and even in a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie (elite) or proletariat (masses), Capital allows one to acquire resources and labor and so is always in the dominant position within the Economic face of the ESP Cube. In the end, the leadership of any political institution requires Capital for its existence and long term survival in order to acquire resources and labor, which is why Capital is always, whatever the ideological justification of the political regime, on the top of the CLR Cube derived from the economic face of the ESP Cube. The success and power of the United States (E), Russia (P) and China (S) depends ultimately on access to capital. Capital is also characterized more precisely by the other core notions of economics: scarcity, rationality and equilibrium, as illustrated in the SER atmospheric Cube within the CLR Cube. This immediately generates the question of how we use our psychological Cube to deal with the notions of scarcity, equilibrium and rationality as it applies to the use of Capital, Labor and Resources, demonstrated in the illustration below, which is the process of applying the methodology of understanding ESP.
Economics Cube SER Atmosphere Cube
The Psychological Cube
Thus, the use of economics does offer powerful insight into how the world works for the purposes of creating national security grand strategy, because it excludes a vast array of possibilities. In and of itself, however, economics fails to provide sufficiently powerful tools for understanding the choices among the possibilities remaining, which involve social and political dimensions of problems, and thereby fails to provide the correct ethical notion for society. Conversely, the Realist tradition fails by itself to prepare strategists for the external environment by excessive emphasis on the use of force.
Concluding our discussion of the ESP environment necessary for American grand strategists to understand in order to properly function in the near to long term, for the last thirty years, economics as reflected in the wealth and income distribution throughout the industrial world has grown more unequal, especially in the United States. Now economists usually attribute this increase in inequality to the increased rate of return to education, which would presumably be fair and efficient, and argue that since the bottom part of the income distribution is not earning less, or at least not substantially less, then all is well. We do not concur in that assessment. If incomes are only growing in the upper part of the income distribution, and yet everyone spends more due to social pressure, wealth will concentrate rapidly, as the bottom eighty per cent of the income distribution eventually runs through its savings. No matter how much the incomes of the happy upper twentieth percentile of the income distribution increase, it is unlikely to be the case that the increased spending of the wealthy will offset the eventual decline in spending of the remainder of the population. Beyond the ethical question of whether or not the United States really wants to evolve into a radical Latin American style income inequality, there is the simple fact that historically, when the income distribution grows as unequal as is now the case, and there has been a correction in terms of both economics and politics. As to the economic side of things, the last time we witnessed such a rise in income inequality, we eventually observed the Great Depression.[45]
On the political side of things, at some point, the rise in social tension generated by income inequality raises opportunities for politicians to propose changes in tax, spending and regulation policies that alter the income distribution, with or without an economic collapse. Furthermore, the flight of Latin Americans from the radically unequal economic regimes of their homelands, which in turn reflects the inequality of the global capitalist order, can exacerbate economic inequality in the U.S., and result in pressure to change immigration policies.
Finally, the experience with NAFTA and the slowdown in the Doha Round of the WTO and the assertiveness of China and Brazil suggests the possibility of a backlash against the current global trade regime, driven by the social pressures generated by increased income inequality. Owners of capital will clearly benefit from the anticipated evolution of NAFTA into AFTA (Often referred to as the proposed Free Trade of the Americas Area), and when we examine the global timeline, we in fact expect that to be the case. This is why European and Japanese corporations are pouring investments into Latin America. In equilibrium, however, absent changes in labor and compensation policies in Latin America, the impact of expanding NAFTA will be to further place pressure on the living standards of the bottom half of the American income distribution. Every time in the past that we have witnessed increases in income and wealth inequality, eventually there has been a social backlash. This process operates as follows. Social pressures rise because of the increase in income inequality, creating a market for politicians to advocate policy changes in order to alter the economic order. The more capital pushes to rule the world without restraint, the bigger the backlash against capitalism is likely to become. Wise capitalists know that all things should be understood in their ultimate implications and interactions, and that includes capitalism.
Turning to the Political variable, after 1989 the United States moved into the vacuum created by the collapse of Soviet power by extending the NATO alliance into Eastern Europe, made the prevention of the rise of a peer competitor in China, and eventually the democratization/extension of American institutions and power in the Islamic world the grand strategy of an America as a unipolar hegemon. Given the resurgence of Russia and the rise of China and the expense of the American venture in Iraq, in an economic environment that with the collapse of the housing bubble, ongoing retirement of the Baby Boomers (see the role of S) and the above mentioned pushback internally and externally against globalization/ the Washington Consensus/Flat Earther/End of History, wise grand strategists are likely to see the preservation of limited post Cold War I gains as the core elements of proper U.S. grand strategy moving forward. The question will likely be how to retrench modestly, not if, but how to simultaneously avoid doing so from a position of weakness that encourages attacks and maneuvers against U.S. interests.
As originally stated, the purpose of the presentation of the model and paradigm in this paper is to provide an integrated framework for analyzing institutions within the economic, social and political world, and such institutions interactions with their environments in sufficient depth, breadth and scope in order to integrate not just economic, but also social and political factors into strategic management thought, plans and actions. Once again, the subtitle of this paper of this paper, A Capitalist Social Republic, was chosen to emphasize that this is a capitalist tract, but one that correctly places capitalism within a broader social and political framework, in the process providing a new mode of thought, hence one of the reasons for the use of Leonardo.
Concluding our overview of the model, its methodology, and metaphor which are a new paradigm in strategic thinking, we have used Leonardo’s famous illustration of man as the metaphor of the institution as a human body, operating in an economic, social and political Cube with an atmosphere composed of technology, and our emotional state representing the appropriate psychology, because only by fully understanding our humanity and our interactions with our various environments through cubical triangulation can we intelligently proceed to create institutions that represent what Lincoln called the “better angels of our nature.”
The DaVinci Metaphor
The Human Mind, Body& Soul
|
The DaVinci Methodology
Cubical Triangulation
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Direction & Movement- The Legs
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Reaches & Constraints- The Arms
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Organizational Arm
Human Resources
Structure
Compensation
|
Financial Arm
Balance Sheet
Income Statement
Cash Flows
|
Administrative Procedures
|
E
S
Economic, Social & Political Timeline
|
P
[1] We immediately note the model rejects the current notion of “value free” inquiry as inappropriate for the foundations of the social sciences as explained below.
[2] In term of the external environmetal aspects of the model, Thucydides has priority in the social sciences for his notion of the cyclical character of history, in our model cycles of economic, social and political variables collectively known as ESP, see Introduction, The Peloponnesian War. Sun Tzu shows an early awareness of non-military factors in politico-military success, i.e. ESP, and also uses the notion of the model of the Body for politico-military success through his assertion that the highest art of strategy lies in attacking the enemies strategy, in our model, the Mind, then his alliances, in our model the Heart, and only then moving on to more direct attacks on the Body, see The Art of War. Miyamoto Musashi in his Book of Five Rings continually applies the metaphor of the Body via his notion that to defeat one man is to understand how to defeat many thousands of men. Clausewitz implicitly uses the notion of ESP in the sense of war as continuation of policy, where policy need not have a mainly political aim, e.g. the Anglo-Dutch commercial wars or the wars of religion. Hart in his work Strategy shows an intense awareness of the notion of an enemy state and army as a Body. Boyd’s notion of getting inside an enemies OODA loop is also consistent with the model’s notion of the nature of the Mind as the strategy generation element of the Body, as is his concept within the OODA loop of Orientation, in our sense, triangulating our position within an ESP Cube. Also, the model was created in part by breaking apart the disciplines of economics, sociology and political science in order to fuse them through new connections as in Boyd’s “Creation and Destruction.”
[3] We assert the claim that the model’s environmental/system specification of a mapping from the Intellectual, Emotional and Physical portions of human brain structure (primate, mammalian and reptilian) to respectively economic, sociological and political motivations that in interaction constitutes the master system equation constitutes the correct foundations for the analysis of the social sciences in that this interactively derived methodologically individualistic but system function derivation of the external environment is necessary to prevent using Occam’s Razor in any particular social science as a meat cleaver. We assert that the model is sufficient for the foundations of the social sciences when ESP is conjoined to the metaphor of the institution of the Body and the cycles in ESP, when directed by the Socratic questions of our Research Matrix.
[4] See Introduction to The Peloponnesian War, The Politics, and the Book of Ecclesiastes, “There is nothing new under the Sun.” King James Edition.
[5] Paraphrased from “The German Ideology” and where the paraphrase reflects a far greater degree of humility than found in the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist tradition, and where the lack of humility was the proper critique of Hayek and von Mises of the Socialist project, and who correctly predicted that the Communist movement would constitute a tyranny. We see below that we do not accept the full framework of either neoclassical or Austrian economics either. Neither Marx, the Neoclassicists or the Austrians have realistically considered the role of elites in society either; hence the attribution to Pareto.
[6] We note again that we adopt the point of view of John von Neumann on the role of the professoriate. “The farther an academic discipline travels from applications to concrete problems, the more likely it is to become a sterile exercise of art pour le art.” In this case, the more contemporary social scientists shy away from the applications of their ideas to reality, the more likely it is to be the case that the exercise resembles the glass bead game of Herman Hesse’s Magister Ludi, beautiful to watch for initiates, but a pointless decadence in the end.
[7] In the context of the DaVinci model, as institutions are created by human beings, they must reflect the nature of their creators, and are therefore properly understood as Bodies as outlined in detail below. Moreover, as human brain structure has three core system levels, primate (Intellect), mammalian (Emotion) and reptilian (Physical), it must therefore be the case that the environments created by human beings have properties related to, and only to, the core elements of human nature, and their interactions in a systems theoretic sense. Thus, the model is based on methodological individualism in a narrow sense, but only in so far as it uses a mapping from the elements of the individual level to the interactions of masses of individuals at the system level.
[8] We note here again the respectable pedigree of our approach, where the contribution of the model lies in the integration of the work of the masters and the extension of their individual ideas. Aristotle in The Politics of course has priority in the social sciences with our notion of the Body implicit in his observation that since individuals are helpless without their fellow man and have life spans that on average are less than those of the societies in which they live, society and therefore its institutions have an organic character. His use of the term “political” to describe human nature is properly interpreted from the Greek as meaning that man has an economic, social and political character, in our model ESP. Hart in Strategy is replete with notions of the enemy army/institution as a Body, which we must blind, overthrow, make off balance, or make have a confused nervous system. His constant insistence for the use of the indirect approach at the grand strategy level also demonstrates a keen awareness of non-politico-military factors in politico-military success, i.e. ESP. In a related vein, we reiterate that the work of Sun Tzu in The Art of War emphasizes that the greatest strategists win not by the brute application of force but by attacking, in order, grand strategy, alliances, and then only moves on to military force engagements. Japanese martialist and strategist Miyamoto Musashi in A Book of Five Rings not only continually insists that his model of individual combat applies to the engagement of large armies, implying the metaphor of the Body, but more importantly shows an early awareness of non-military factors importance for military success, by noting that although the merchant class was despised by the samurai, wise samurai recognized that “Money must be made to pay the army.” Clausewitz notes that although the logic of war per se leads to an ultimate effort at annihilation of the enemy, the political objective that governs the proper conduct of war within his framework could easily be driven mainly by social (a desire to preserve monarchs, aristocrats and/or religion) or economic (see the trade wars above) concerns that in practice would constrain the use of force. Boyd’s notion of orientation in an OODA loop is analogous to our notion of using our Minds interpretation of sense date to triangulate our position within an ESP Cube.
[9] Our approach again totally rejects the notion that academics should be passive observers in a general sense. Academics have a high privilege accorded to them in terms of their freedom, and thus it is incumbent upon them to not merely play intellectual games for their entire lives.
[10] We are aware that for readers with a military-strategic background that our labeling of strategy etc… may be somewhat different to what the readers are accustomed to, but believe that we have created a framework whose generality across economic, social and political realms warrants a consistent use of terminology in order that users of the model share a common vocabulary.
[11] In terms of international relations theory, the model thus rejects the pure realist premises of the state as a black box actor a la Thucydides, Machiavelli, Morganthau and Waltz, the Liberalism of Kant, Cobden, Bight, Angell or Friedman/Fukuyama, or Social/Identity theories dating to The Lysistrata and especially Rousseau, passing though Marx/Lenin/Mao and their postmodern descendants along constuctionist/ identity lines of current Radical thought, and instead calls for a theory of international relations based on ESP interactions.
[12] Although we accept the von Mises framework in the sense of capital, finance and indirect production, von Mises errs in attributing all economic system fluctuation to monetary policy. In a value conservation sense that is an inevitable consequence of adopting a generic general equilibrium economic framework, it is our assertion that because of the non-uniqueness of the price operator equilibrium, see Mas Collel for details, that there exist cycles in economic aggregates at amplitudes that are inversely proportional to the frequency of the cycle due to the asymmetry of the price operator around the zero bound. von Mises is correct that regulation and monetary and fiscal policy cannot Pareto improve on the dynamic general equilibrium of a capitalist system, but then voting and protest are alternatives to economic activity in terms of human action.
[13] See for example, Robert Osgood, Idealism and Realism in American Foreign Policy, although Van AlstyneThe Rising American Empire takes a contrary realist view. The latter dates the origins of American expansionism in an ideological sense to Franklin’s notion of “An Empire of Liberty,”; certainly the debate dates no later than the French Revolution. Liska Career of Empire offers a comparison of Rome, Britain and America that is enlightening in this regard, and the support of human rights globally as well as longstanding American humanitarian efforts should be seen in the light of the importance of the Social variable.
[14] See The Wealth of Nations. Here we reject those in contemporary anthropology who would claim that it is impossible to draw lessons of capitalism across time, while again emphasizing that economic activity occurs in a political and social context.
[15] For Lenin and the issue of capitalism, see the transition from War Communism to the New Economic Policy. For Mao and the issue of capitalism, see the ultimate abandonment of the radical utopianism of The Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution in the face of the adverse consequences of such utopian projects played out with humans as flesh and bone guinea pigs.
[16] If this seems an extensive discussion of economics from an IR/ national security point of view, the justification has an impressive pedigree: it all starts with Sun Tzu and decline by stasis of Sparta, and was succinctly stated by Musashi : “Money must be made to pay the Army.” Hart in Strategy was a strong proponent of the blockade in WWI as an effective grand strategic E attack and as a perfect example of the indirect approach. During the Cold War, the functioning of the West’s various capitalist systems versus the Soviet Union was a subject of intense debate until the very end of the 1980’s, see also Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of The Great Powers in this light. Boyd in his famous slideshow of the history of warfare included an intensive discussion of ESP interaction in the theory of Marxist-Leninist/Peoples revolutionary warfare. The recent impetus towards a new American Century etc. has at its core the belief that the advance of capitalism advances U.S. security interests a la Kant’s democratic/Liberal/interdependence/World is Flat/End of History argument. In other words, per Thucydides, if something, i.e. a type of debate over the interaction of capitalism and national security keeps occurring, there is a reason, which is that it is a fundamental question that cannot be evaded in thinking about IR or creating grand strategy.
[17] Thus, while the model in its general form economically uses the von Mises framework for monetary and financial analysis, and we accept Hayek and von Mises criticism of the dangers of Socialism, they go too far in their libertarianism. Furthermore, the foundation of neoclassical economics as well as the Austrian school contains the fundamental error of all rational choice theories, which is that human beings are not just intellectual, but also emotional and physical beings (IEP), based on the brain structure argument of note seven. Since it is human beings who generate what is being analyzed, it logically follows that there is a one to one mapping between I and Economics, E and Sociology, and P and Political Science, a point which we elaborate below.
[18] It is worth noting at this juncture that throughout the history of the American Republic, the external component of a desire to promote capitalism as well as mitigate and direct its effect has been at the center of debate over the American grand strategy. To be precise, this American debate over capitalism dates at the latest to Hamilton’s “Report on Manufactures,” the role of trade and neutrals in the War of 1812 and WWI and to a lesser extent WWII, as well as through the debate on the tariff up to 1944 and the GATT, as well as the debates over the valuation of the dollar in the 1960’s under Breton Woods, through the debate over industrial policy viz the resurrection of Japan and Western Europe in the 1970’s and 1980’s and throughout the first Cold War period over the response to communism as a threat to what was once called the American System, i.e. free enterprise capitalism, to the rise of the Washington Consensus in the 1990’s.
[19] The collapse of the Soviet Union should be understood in a similar light. The pressure of the military competition with the West on the Soviet economy was certainly a factor in the demise of the Soviet state. Additionally, the failure of Communism to function as an economic system in comparison with Western capitalism also played a vital role. But at least as important a cause of the fall of the Soviet Union as the former factors was the social role of ethnicity, originally in terms of Eastern European satellite resentment of non-European, we argue shortly, Russian cultural imperialism, but then after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact states the unraveling of the Soviet Union proper along ethnic lines as triggered by the secession of the Baltic states. A core premise of the model, methodology and paradigm is for academics and strategic planners to be wary of monocausal explanations, and instead integrate economic, social and political factors within an integrated pattern of thought.
[20] We note again that the analysis is consistent with Clausewitz, in which Russia’s use of force is a continuation of policy by other means, and where the economic and political and social motive discussed below are fused and interact and therefore must be approached appropriately be American strategists not in isolation but in conjunction.
[21] Namely, the policy of tsars and commissars to encourage industrial development, in the end, on Russian territory or Russian populated territory and the subsequent migrations of non-Russians thereby generated.
[22] Note the role of the emotion fear. Rational choice theory is off base when it attempts to reduce actions that are emotionally based to “choice” because it is demonstrably the case that fear activates the limbic system, not the cortex, and those systems function very differently.
[23] Note again that pride is an emotion based in love, and physiologically speaking located in the limbic system, not the frontal cortex, and so therefore rational choice theory is demonstrably underspecified in examining identity.
[24] Two points are worth noting here. With respect to Russia, the sense of Russian mission goes to the proclamation of Muscovy as the Third Rome in the wake of the fall of Constantinople in 1454. Russia has always held itself apart and been held apart from the West, and rightly so, if only because of the division between Orthodoxy and Catholicism from 1054 and the failure for the Russians to experience a Reformation and Counter-Reformation. Elements of Great Russian messianism clearly transferred in part if not in whole to the Bolsheviks, where he we depart company with Spengler on this topic. As to the independent role of ethnicity in national security planning, Huntington has written well on the potential dangers of immigration in regard to national unity, if carrying his point too far, and where the point is that in construction of future grand strategies to deal with a resurgent Russia, the whole of Russian motivations must be considered, which therefore must include a very important social component in the analysis. For further discussion of the role of ethnicity that applies today even though originally oriented to the causality of WWI, see Niall Ferguson in The War of the World.
[25] See respectively “Warning to the West,” The Decline of the West, and The Clash of Civilizations.
[26] To be fair to Fukuyama and Friedman, first, the public presentations of their arguments are more generally more simplistic than their books The End of History and the Last Man and The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty First Century. This is perhaps the fate of all popular writers on politics and economics, and the bashing they are beginning to receive is likely to go too far in the other direction as discussed later in the paper. The key point is that Liberal theories of International Relations are underspecified as well Realist theories because they use Occam’s Razor as a meat cleaver.
[27] Smith for example argued that the deleterious social effects of specialization inherent in capitalistic industrial processes called for public education. In addition, Smith was suspicious of the proclivity of unregulated businesses when gathered to conspire against the public interest, as well as demonstrating the existence of a range of goods that would not be optimally provided by a pure free market, i.e. public goods.
[28] Smith regarded his Theory of Moral Sentiments , a treatise on the sociology of morals, as equal in importance to far better known and quoted economic masterpiece The Wealth of Nations, a work that itself under a close reading is significantly less libertarian oriented than is usually assumed.
[29] This reduction of the external environment avoids Marx’s error of reducing all of reality into the economic variable, and the Realist tradition of reducing historical evolution too much to the ability to use force. It is also consistent with, and an extension of, the work of social theorists Aristotle, Michael Mann, Weber, and Aaron Wildovsky, with modest modifications.
[30] The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty First Century Thomas L. Friedman.
[31] Here we follow the work of sociologist Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, with the difference being that we unite the political and military into one variable. We feel that Mann complicates his typology unnecessarily. This is also consistent with the Weberian view of the state, see Economy and Society, defined as an institution possessing a monopoly on the legitimate use of force over a given territory, for reasons that become obvious later. Our reduction of the environment to three variables is also consistent with the work of Aaron Wildavsky in Cultural Theory in a general sense as well. The broad range of social science authors that our model draws on is supportive of the notion that there coherent way of examining reality through, to paraphrase Einstein, simplifying, by just enough.
[32] Miyamoto Musashi A Book of Five Rings
[34] One might also note here the call of Sun Tzu that “No nation has ever prospered by prolonged warfare,” and his core belief that, “The highest art of strategy is to never have to fight by disrupting the adversaries strategy or alliances. Musahsi makes the same point by asserting that “The point of the martial arts is to never have to use them.” Boyd makes a similar point in the notion that the ideal strategy would get inside the enemies OODA Loop, where in our model visualization of position in an ESP Cube is the key and analogous to the Orientation portion of the OODA Loop, and so disrupt the enemies Mind of our model that he collapse virtually without a fight.
[35] Smith in Theory of Moral Sentiments also implicitly recognizes the social underpinnings of the emerging commercial capitalist order of mid eighteenth century Britain.
[36] For example to understand the defining studies of the notion of the Invisible Hand, Theory of Value by Debreu and General Competitive Analysis by Arrow and Hahn, one must in effect be at the minimum an amateur mathematician.
[37] Even Nobel Prize winner Gary Becker, who has certainly demonstrated the power of economics to explain seemingly non-economic matters, thereby making him the original “economic imperialist” in the sense of taking over other social science disciplines has grudgingly hinted at the enduring reality non-economic portions of the external environment in his later work Social Economics, in which a core theme is the importance of others opinions, for example, for explaining our own behavior. The difficulty remains that those economists in the tradition of Thorsten Veblen in Theory of the Leisure Class, which has a much stronger sociological and political character, have extreme difficulty in securing publication, and therefore influence and employment within the discipline. The same difficulty holds true in the academic disciplines of sociology and political science in terms of over-specialization.
[38] E.g. Lieber and Hoff, “End of Mad,” Foreign Affairs 2005, is methodologically unsound because it analyzes a proposed sneak American attack on Russian nuclear forces without the context that such an attack as an unprecedented arbitrary exercise of Presidential power would constitute the end of the American Republic, and is thus intrinsically unstable with respect to the parameters of the stated problem.
[39] Consider an island where each member of the island has an original endowment of land. The island is subject to random shocks that are not small for any single member of the island, although they could be small relative to the island as a whole. If the distribution of property is sufficiently unequal in the beginning, it can be shown that gradually the little fish of the island go under, and work for the big fish, because they do not have sufficient liquidity to survive the individual shocks. Thus concentrates the distribution of wealth, by the nature of things.
[40] We therefore are arguing that the evolution of the world capitalist system is in fact characterized by Hegelian dynamics, in the sense that the interposed opposites of wealth creation and social equalization generate cycles. Our contribution is these dynamics multidimensional character.
[41] For those of an econometrically inclined frame of mind, we take the position that although modern econometrics and, for our purposes, especially time series analysis have contributed massively to an appropriate scientific understanding of how societies are structured at one point, there exist cycles of lower frequencies and higher amplitudes in the evolution of our three environmental variables that are vital to understanding the evolution of societies. Consider the analysis of a modern economy.
[42] See Immanuel Wallerstein The Modern World System, Michael Mann Sources of Social Power and William McNeil The Rise of the West, where all three authors conceive of a global evolution of interacting societies and Mann’s framework is closest to ours except that he separates the political variable into a domestic and external component, which in our view is a mistake. Control of the state is a political phenomenon, whether the power so derived is directed internally or externally.
[43] It is widely accepted in both the psychology literature and in psychological practice that human beings have an intellectual, emotional and physical character. This in turn is consistent with modern neuroscience, in which an important decomposition of brain function is the distinction between the primate, mammalian and reptilian brain, respectively the intellectual, emotional and physical components of our nature.
[44] It will always remain unknowable what would have been the consequences of a larger deployment, but given the collapse of Baghdad into anarchy in the wake of the Third Infantry Division’s tactically brilliant “Thunder Run” operation, it would seem logic would indicate that more troops would have been better than was the case, and the relevancy of the case it that although it seems as of 2008 that Iraq is “well,” the verdict is still out in the long run, where again the media encourages politicians and their military and civilian advisors to have to short an attention span/time frame. See Gelb and Betts The Irony of Vietnam: The System Worked for a hint of how institutional arrangements that fail to encourage the questioning of basic premises in national security organizations can lead said institutions badly off course.
[45] This may well have been due to the Keynes-Halecki effect, which argues that because the rich consume less at the margin, increasing income inequality must eventually cause aggregate demand contract, potentially severely.